Calvin, neo-Calvinists, and secularity
Paul Helm has now written five volumes on John Calvin, beginning with his seminal 1982 critique of the Calvin-versus-the-Calvinists theory that had gained popularity in the mid-20th century. His recent volume, Calvin at the Centre, is excellent and provocative material, particularly for anyone interested in the more philosophical debates swirling around the Genevan Reformer.
Since Helm has become known (for better or worse) as a defender of more traditional interpretations of the Calvinist tradition, I was surprised to find that he raises a number of serious questions about developments in Reformed theology after Calvin. (For example, see his discussion of the logical relationship between justification and sanctification in chapter seven.)
Helm’s final chapter on nature-grace debates was particularly interesting for my own studies. Taking up the interpretation of Calvin offered by “common grace” theologian Herman Bavinck, Helm suggests that Calvin was far more Augustinian and medieval than some neo-Calvinists allege. Helm argues that Bavinck made the mistake of assuming that neo-scholastic formulations were dominant in the Catholicism of Calvin’s day. If this had been the case, then Calvin’s doctrine of “common grace” would certainly be novel, even theologically revolutionary. However, Helm draws on the mid-20th century work of Henri de Lubac and ressourcement theologians to point out that while Calvin differs from neo-scholasticism, his view of nature and grace actually had much in common with Augustinian and early Thomistic strands of Catholic thought. Calvin did not “discover” common grace anymore than he “discovered” the doctrine of predestination.
Intriguingly, Helm then pushes his critique one step further, arguing that when Bavinck tries to remove the nature-supernature dualism of scholastic thought, he stumbles back into the parallel dualism of common grace and special grace. As G.C. Berkouwer once noted, these two dichotomies — one Catholic, one Calvinist — face many of the same problems. Further, Helm alleges that, in his historical exegesis, Bavinck ignores Calvin’s express endorsement of Augustine’s interpretation of nature and grace (i.e. through sin, natural gifts are corrupted and supernatural gifts are removed). Instead, Bavinck maintains that the Reformation charted a radically different theological course. Helm proposes that this is a simple, if rather understandable, case of anachronism. Herman Bavinck was working with a decidedly different form of Catholic theology than was John Calvin.
In following up his critique, Helm suggests that Calvin may indeed be viewed as an “otherworldly” theologian, inasmuch as Augustine was the same. Yet, “Calvin does not neglect culture, he does not fail to praise it, nor to be fascinated by it” (339). Here, as usual, Helm is quite honest about Calvin’s own internal theological tensions. While Calvin was at times strikingly positive about art and culture – especially visual art – he also had a tendency to disparage temporal accomplishments when viewed in the light of eternity. John Bolt has referenced this latter impulse as the “eschatological” Calvin (see Bolt, “‘A Pearl and a Leaven’: John Calvin’s Critical Two-Kingdoms Eschatology”). Calvin’s theology pushes against both sides of the spectrum — yes, the natural world is the stage of providence; yes, our radical depravity makes us despair of final transformation in the present age. Yet, while Helm does give attention to both sides of Calvin’s dialectic, I wondered whether in the conclusion to his chapter he downplays the “graced” aspects of “natural life.” Both components of the dialectic seem equally valid, and Helm himself highlights the positive aspects of Calvin’s evaluation of the natural world in an earlier passage:
So, to use a modern distinction, Calvin is not arguing that the ‘natural’ as it was created is equivalent to the ‘secular’ – a set of powers that are at best neutral as between the claims of theism and atheism, say. No, man’s nature is intrinsically religious, intrinsically orientated to the knowledge of God, possessing the semen religionis, which was ordered in unfallen mankind but became perverted (not extinguished) in fallen mankind…. The ‘ordering’ is not therefore a religious icing on a secular cake, it is the ordering of a nature which, for Calvin, essentially religious….
There was no time when mankind existed in a ‘natural’ form alone, and there could not be such a time, for the simple reason that his essence, left to itself, was liable to immediate disorder. From the start, therefore, it needed the benefit of the supernatural, exceptional, gifts of God (p. 319).
I cannot think of a better summary of Calvin’s theology of “secularity” – to use a necessary anachronism. Calvin’s natural theology has no room for a “dis-graced” world; all the good things which humanity enjoys, even prior to redemption, are “gifts of the Spirit” (Institutes, 2.2.16). God’s grace is so prevalent that Calvin exhorts us to be careful not to reject the good things of the natural world, lest we reject God’s own provision for us. (As an aside, Kathryn Tanner presents a very similar “Calvinian” view of nature-grace in her recent work, Christ the Key.)
On this account, I would have been interested to see Helm let this emphasis in Calvin play out a little further. I am convinced by Helm’s critique of Bavinck’s historical exegesis, but I am less convinced that Bavinck’s own common-grace theology was not an inevitable development from Calvin himself. If Calvin can lead to Vermigli and Turretin, why not Kuyper and Bavinck? Helm, among others, has done excellent work demonstrating how the theology of Calvin continued on through the scholasticism of his later followers – despite the methodological differences. Yet, he appears more willing to grant the legitimacy of some developments (e.g. covenant theology) over others (e.g. common grace theology).
“Good policy” the profile summarizes Brooks, “should understand that people make decisions emotionally, not rationally.”








